“A house divided against itself can not stand.” – Abraham Lincoln
By EditorZambia
FOR a party that once swaggered with the confidence of a political colossus, today’s Patriotic Front (PF) – of the infamous Pabwato slogan-resembles a ship trying to sail with a broken mast, a divided crew, and no compass to steer by. 
The latest reshuffle by its new president Given Lubinda, announcing fresh appointments to the Central Committee and youth structures, has been marketed as a “revitalisation.”
But behind the official statements and ceremonial signatures lies a truth the PF refuses to confront: no amount of internal reshuffling can resurrect a party whose problems were baked into its foundations.
A Party Born Out of Anger, Not Vision
To understand why the PF is unlikely to return to power, one must revisit its origins under Michael Chilufya Sata.
His 2011 victory was often described as a triumph of charisma, grassroots mobilisation, and the “man of action” mythos.
But the more accurate description is less glamorous: the PF’s ascent to power was overwhelmingly a product of the widespread disillusionment with the Rupiah Banda-led MMD, especially among the urban poor.
Sata’s rise was not driven by a coherent ideology, long-term national vision, or a stable internal organisation. It was powered by protest voters searching for an alternative.
From the start, the PF was constructed on sandy ground: loud, emotional, energetic, but fragile.
Factionalism: The PF’s Original Sin
The fragility became undeniable once Sata died in office. What was left behind was not a unified organisation but a loose federation of competing camps, each claiming legitimacy and proximity to the late founder.
This is the group that rallied behind Edgar Lungu in Kabwe in the controversial selection that saw the Head of State owe so many criminal cum politicians who ushered him into power.
There was: The Miles Sampa faction, grounded on claims of familial connection to Sata.
The Kaizer Zulu clique, an aggressive and controversial grouping viewed by many as operating on patronage and raw power.
The Chishimba Kambwili faction, loud, populist, and perpetually in combat mode.
The Esther Lungu/Tasila circle, which grew in influence as the Lungu family’s footprint expanded in State and party affairs.
The State House camp under communications team, operating as an elite technocratic ring with tight control of information and presidential access.
These were not ideological divisions. They were competing business units, each with networks, financiers, and interests.
The only glue holding them together was access to state resources.
Once the PF lost power, that glue dissolved instantly.
Saved Only by Power
For years, many analysts claimed the PF was more of an electoral “movement” than a real political party.
It survived not because of organisation or coherence but because power protected it.
Power allowed it to plaster over internal conflicts with appointments, State contracts, and positions.
Power allowed it to silence discontent with patronage.
Power allowed it to maintain the illusion of national popularity even as corruption scandals multiplied.
But when a party’s unity relies on State machinery, opposition becomes a death sentence.
The PF discovered this the hard way in 2021.
Cadre Violence and Corruption: The Final Blow
For years, Zambians tolerated cadre indiscipline until they couldn’t anymore.
Markets, bus stations, public offices, and even private businesses were turned into battlegrounds where cadres operated with impunity.
Violence became a norm.
Extortion became expected.
Ordinary citizens felt trapped under the rule of street militias acting in the party’s name.
Then came corruption – high-level, brazen, and normalised. The more the scandals surfaced, the more the party defended them instead of cleaning its house.
Even PF’s so-called strongholds—Northern, Luapula, Muchinga, and Eastern Provinces – began to show fatigue and disillusionment.
By 2021, many of the PF’s loyal bases were no longer voting for anyone—they were voting against the PF in favour of the United Party for National Development (UPND) despite having entrenched tribal bias against President Hichilema, a Tonga.
The 2021 defeat was not an accident. It was the culmination of a decade of misconduct that the leadership ignored, denied, or justified.
A Rejected Party in Denial
Now in opposition, the PF faces a reality it refuses to acknowledge: if a party cannot manage itself while in power, it is even less capable of rebuilding while out of power.
The memories of its excesses are too fresh. The wounds are too raw. Zambians remember the arrogance, the intimidation, the corruption, the cadre lawlessness, the economic downturn, and the institutional decay.
Political parties can recover from defeat. They can recover from internal conflict.
They can recover from leadership changes.
But they rarely recover from a total collapse of public trust.
Leadership Changes Won’t Save a Broken Party
The latest appointments announced by Given Lubinda on 1st December 2025 attempt to project renewal and internal order.
New faces like Mwenya Matafwali, Goodson Banda, Brave Mweetwa, and others have been brought into the Central Committee.
Provincial youth structures have also been reshuffled.
But these changes suffer from one fatal flaw: they are administrative reshuffles, not ideological reforms.
They do not address: The corruption legacy
The violent culture of cadreism
The lack of internal democracy
The absence of a national vision
The unresolved factional bitterness
The lack of credible national leadership
The mass exodus of members
The deep public distrust
Replacing individuals without transforming the system is like repainting a burnt house. Moreover, many of the new appointments raise eyebrows—not because the individuals are incompetent, but because the appointments appear to reflect the same old patronage networks, the same recycling of loyalties, the same focus on internal balancing rather than national relevance.
A Party Facing Extinction
Opposition politics requires discipline, ideological clarity, and a compelling message.
The PF currently has none. Instead, it has:
- Endless internal fights over legitimacy
- Court battles over leadership
- Splinter factions forming and collapsing
- A shrinking voter base
- A toxic public image
- No clear alternative policiesNo charismatic or unifying national figure
Under these conditions, it is almost impossible for the party to bounce back.
The Inevitable
In conclusion, the PF’s downfall was not caused by one leader, one scandal, or one election.
It was caused by a decade-long culture of mismanagement, division, entitlement, and abuse of power.
Today, its attempts to present a rejuvenated face through leadership appointments ring hollow.
The party is not reorganising; it is rearranging furniture in a collapsing house.
Zambia has moved on. The political landscape has changed.
The PF remains stuck in the past, still battling the demons it created, still clinging to a brand the public has already rejected.
No amount of reshuffling can change that.
No amount of rhetoric can erase that.
No amount of nostalgia can revive a project that died the moment power slipped from its grip.
The PF will never return to power—not only because its opponents are strong, but because its own weaknesses are fatal.
